Month: October 2011

The California Effect

I was all set to write a blog this week about the recent enactment of a fairly comprehensive cap-and-trade program in California.  But then, my mentor Rob Stavins, sent around his blog and I realized there was probably no point in re-writing what he had done so well.

So I link you to Professor Stavins’ blog where he discusses a recent paper he wrote with Professor Joe Aldy (double-Dukie) that examines several different options for pricing carbon. The paper looks in detail at regional initiatives such as the one just enacted in California.

<For students, if you want credit for you comments, please come back here to make them.  If you leave comments on Professor Stavins’ blog, the graders won’t necessarily find them.>

Profile: Travel; Relationship Status: It’s Complicated

We all wear several different hats.  I’m a professor, a wife, and a mom (probably in reverse order of importance).  In trying to lead a balanced life we may sometimes struggle with conflicts among these roles.  Similarly many of us find ourselves with multiple labels:  environmentalist, feminist, economist, global citizen.  In trying to live a purposeful life we may also run into situations in which there are conflicts created by these various labels.

I run into the latter conflict every time I’m confronted with the carbon footprint of my own travel.  One of my goals is to have a lower environmental impact.  But another goal is to live as a global citizen and, in particular, to raise my children as global citizens.  One of the most transformative experiences of my life was the year I spent as an exchange student in Germany. Learning another language, culture, and way of living is critical in our globalized economy.  And I believe that it is critical for successful negotiation of solutions to our global environmental problems.

I intend to expose my children to as many other countries and cultures as I can (and not just at Epcot) so that they can appreciate the myriad of human differences as well as appreciate the fundamental ways in which we are all the same. But that involves getting on planes.  Big planes.  Traveling long distances.  Emitting a lot of carbon dioxide.

Sit down with any carbon footprint calculator and watch it skyrocket the with every plane trip.  If you think you can reduce carbon emissions from other areas (by buying local food or driving around town less) you are probably wrong.   Let’s take an example from my own life.  Last year I went to Switzerland with my daughter and my mother.  That’s three coach-class round trips tickets from RDU to Zurich which works out to be approximately 4.71 tons of carbon.  My reasonably long daily commute from Raleigh to Duke results in about 12,000 miles per year on my Honda Odyssey minivan and that is equivalent to 5.32 tons of carbon.  So if I never drove to work I could offset one trip to Europe, but smaller changes (that I have made) like carpooling one day and working from home one day, won’t be sufficient.[i]

So how do we reconcile this conflict.  Many advice sites suggest that you decrease your travel or take a “stay-cation” in order to lower your travel footprint.  I think this is fundamentally wrong-headed.   Even if you don’t care about experiencing other cultures, there is something odd about advocating for cleaner air at the Grand Canyon and then not travelling to see it!  So here are my recommendations for reconciling travel and carbon emissions.  I look forward to hearing yours!

  1. Travel consciously.  Pick your vacations to maximize your exposure to new experiences and cultures.  It’s fine to enjoy a beach vacation, but try to avoid an an-inclusive resort where you will only meet other Americans and will never experience any local culture.
  2. Stay longer.  Rather than take many short trips, consider a yearly vacation where you stay 2 weeks or longer.  This reduces the number of plane trips and the associated carbon, and also allows you to really get to know a place.
  3. Stay local.  This isn’t always a great idea.  If you are in an area where safety is a concern, you might want to stick to larger international chains.  But if you are travelling to a relatively safe place, consider forgoing the international chains and staying at a locally-owned hotel or resort.
  4. Consider offsets.  I’m not entirely sold on this one, largely because I feel like in the absence of a carbon policy, whether I purchase offsets or not probably makes no difference to overall climate change (see my first post of the semester).  But should we ever get a climate policy, carbon offsets will be a key component of cost-effectiveness.  If the marginal utility I get from travel exceeds the price of carbon, I should pay for someone else to reduce carbon and take my trip.  You can do this now, voluntarily through several major sellers of carbon offsets.

[i] All estimates of carbon emissions were calculated using the carbon footprint calculator at Carbonfund.org.

Beyond Belts and Suspenders: Will the Safety and Environmental Management Program (SEMP) Ensure Safety of Offshore Oil Drilling?

On April 20, 2010, 11 workers were killed in an explosion on the Deepwater Horizon rig in the process of drilling the Macondo well off the Gulf of Mexico.  The blowout ultimately resulted in between 4 and 5 million barrels of oil leaking into the Gulf of Mexico.  Early estimates of the damages from the oil spill are in the range of $20 billion with an addition $17 billion in fines.[i]

Prior to the Gulf oil spill the primary form of regulation of offshore oil drilling was a set of highly prescriptive command-and-control regulations requiring significant redundancy in safety systems; an approach I call “belts and suspenders.”  The belts-and-suspenders regulations were coupled with a strict liability regime where the operating company (BP in this case) was strictly liable for damages up to $75 with additional damages covered from a government pool of funds generated through taxes on oil.[ii] Arguable this coupling of regulatory systems should have created the right incentives for companies to manage the human dimension of risk so that risks are minimized.  The safety technologies are in place and if you are financially on the hook for damages you should have the right incentives to ensure that all these systems are working properly.  Nonetheless, a disaster occurred.

There are plenty of culpable parties in the Gulf oil spill, and the government has not escaped the blame-for-all.  Understandably, there was concern that the current system of regulations was insufficient.  In the aftermath of the crises, the Minerals Management Service (MMS) was restructured as the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, Regulation and Enforcement (BOEMRE) and BOEMRE quickly issued several revisions to offshore drilling regulations.  The first new regulation, the Drilling Safety Rule (DSR), added more belts and suspenders to the previous regulatory regime.

The second rule, the Workplace Safety Rule (WSR), represents a more fundamental departure from the status quo.  The WSR is based on the “Safety Case” regulations used in Canada, the UK, Norway, and Australia and requires that each drilling operation have a complete Safety and Environmental Management Program (SEMP).  Under the SEMP, each drilling operation must develop a detailed risk analysis and safety plan that demonstrates to the regulators that their proposed operation can be carried out safely and that they have the appropriate contingencies in place to handle any accidents.  This type of regulation is referred to as Management-based regulation; regulation that “directs regulated organizations to engage in a planning process that aims toward the achievement of public goals, offering firms flexibility in how they achieve public goals.”[iii]

What do we know about SEMS, the Safety Case, or MBR in genearl?  The Chemical Safety Board, an independent government agency tasked with investigating all chemical accidents in the United States, convened a public hearing on regulatory approaches to offshore oil drilling.  At the hearing, there was a panel of representatives from the UK, Norway and Australia that discussed the use of the Safety Case in those countries.  Without exception the representatives believed that the Safety Case had improved safety and reduced the likelihood of a large-scale disaster in their countries.  But almost equally without exception these views were based on anecdotes and some limited (and not fully disclosed) analysis of near-miss data.  More detailed research, perhaps using international data on near-misses, could help illuminate the impact of the safety case on offshore drilling risk (dissertation anyone?).

Evidence from academic research is no more conclusive.  The theory of management-based regulations suggests that management-based regulations are best suited for situations where there is significant heterogeneity among regulated entities, performance cannot be directly measured, and there is complementarity in management effort and risk reduction/environmental improvement.[iv],[v] All of these conditions are likely to hold for offshore oil drilling.

While MBR may be well-suited, theoretically, to situations where performance cannot be directly measured, the inability to measure performance makes empirical analysis of regulatory effectiveness nearly impossible.  In typical program evaluations (also called impact evaluations), the outcomes of the “treated” group are compared to the outcomes of a comparable “control” group.  But all of these methods require detailed and comprehensive data on outcomes.  For offshore drilling the outcome we are interested in is safety, but it is latent, or not directly observable to the regulator/public.  Observing the absence of an oil spill does not necessarily mean the drill rig is safe.  Put another way, a very safe and less safe operation may both succeed in drilling without a major oil spill.  The absence of an event is not particularly informative about the outcome we are most interested in, namely safety.

We do have empirical evidence on government-mandated MBR in state pollution prevention programs and from voluntary or self-regulatory adoption of MBR through the use of environmental management systems.  Summary of this extensive empirical literature suggests that MBR can be effective at inducing firms to improve environmental metrics under some circumstances.[vi] To what extent these findings extend to offshore drilling remain unknown.

My skepticism about SEMS as a regulatory salve concern how SEMS will or will not actually changes the day-to-day decision making on a drill rig. If we assume that decision-makers are profit maximizers (and I’m an economist so I will), then at each decision point with potential safety or environmental consequences the decision maker must weigh the expected costs of following the management plan with the expected costs of not following it.  The expected costs of following the plan may be time spent waiting for a second opinion, further analysis, or additional materials and equipment.  The expected costs of not following it are some expectation of the damages and fines from any accident resulting from the decision.  Accidents are rare and large accidents even rarer, so the likelihood that any one short cut leads to an accident is very low.  This is particularly true if you believe that if the short-cut you take turns out badly another safety system will catch that mistake before a significant accident occurs.  In essence, the probability of an accident from any one decision is small, and the conditional probability of an accident from that decision given other safety systems may be viewed as close to zero.  Of course, if everyone making decisions views the problem this way then things can go very wrong.

What the addition of a SEMS does to change that underlying calculation is not obvious.  It may help change the culture of some firms to be more focused on safety.  Or it may be a document that quickly collects dust on a shelf.  Or, even worse, it may add to the sense of security that others are appropriately avoiding risk, so that taking a cost-saving gamble has no real negative consequences.  In other words, it could just be another set of suspenders.


[i] “The Oil Well and the Damage Done,”  The Economist, June 17, 2010.  Available at:  http://www.economist.com/node/16381032.  Last accessed:  October 14, 2011.

[ii] Steve Hargreaves, “Cap on Oil Spill Damages Under Fire.”  CNNMoney.  Available at: http://money.cnn.com/2010/05/25/news/economy/BP_liability/index.htm.  Last accessed: October 14, 2011.

[iii] Coglianese, C. and D. Lazer “Management-Based Regulation: Prescribing Private Management to Achieve Public Goals” Law and Society Review 37(4): 691-730.  DOI: 10.1046/j.0023-9216.2003.03703001.x

[iv] ibid

[v] Bennear, Lori S.  (2006) “Evaluating Management-Based Regulation:  A Valuable Tool in the Regulatory Tool Box?” in Coglianese, Cary and Jennifer Nash, eds. Leveraging the Private Sector: Management-Based Strategies for Improving Environmental Performance (Washington D.C.:  Resources for the Future Press).

[vi] Bennear, Lori S. and Cary Coglianese “Flexible Approaches to Environmental Regulation,” to be included in: Kamieniecki, Sheldon and Michael Kraft eds. Oxford Handbook of U.S. Environmental Policy, expected publication 2012.

New legislation (HR 2772) threatens to roll back progress in solving fisheries problems

This week I’m featuring a guest blog by my colleague, Dr. Martin Smith, Associate Professor of Environmental Economics at the Nicholas School of the Environment, Duke University.

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Economists have long understood that the cause of fisheries problems is the inability to exclude users.[1] When no one owns the fish in the sea, fishermen lack incentives to restrain themselves in order to sustain the biological health of the resource and ultimately the long-term economic health of the fishing industry. Each fisherman races to catch the fish before the other guy. Not surprisingly, this race leads to overfishing and economic hardship. [1, 2]

The centerpiece of U.S. fisheries law is the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act.[3]  At its core is a mandate to end overfishing by setting catch limits in federally managed fisheries. Historically, this mandate has focused on the symptom of the problem, namely overfishing, without addressing the cause of the problem. [2] By setting catch limits without addressing the exclusion problem, managers began to control biological overfishing but inadvertently worsened the race to fish. Aggregate catch limits can maintain a biologically healthy stock, while fishermen have incentives to build more and bigger vessels to catch fish before their competitors. Managers respond by shortening season lengths, forcing gluts of product onto the market and the need to sell fish frozen rather than fresh. [4] Most notoriously, this economically wasteful derby in the Pacific halibut fishery of Alaska shrunk the season length to less than three days by 1994.  [5] In 1995, a solution to address the cause of this problem was introduced: an individually transferable quota program that set the total catch based on biological assessment and divided the catch between resource users into shares that could be traded. Individually transferable quotas were used in only a handful of other U.S. fisheries but appeared to be successful in managing larger numbers of fisheries in Iceland and New Zealand. With the new policy, the Pacific halibut fishery was transformed overnight from a source of tremendous economic waste to one of the great success stories in fisheries management with a season lasting 245 days and a steady flow of fresh high-value product to the market. [2, 5]

The 2007 reauthorization of Magnuson-Stevens provided a means to use new tools like the halibut program in federal fisheries management. [3] These tools are broadly defined as Limited Access Privilege Programs (LAPPs) and include individual fishing quotas (both tradable like in halibut and non-tradable) and territorial use rights in fisheries (TURFs). In policy circles, individual fishing quotas have now been renamed catch shares. LAPPs address the cause of overfishing and not just the symptoms by solving the exclusion problem, thus aligning the incentives of individual fishermen with the objectives of fisheries management.

A new bill in the house (HR 2772) now threatens to undo recent progress in developing LAPPs. [6]The bill’s title is the “Saving Fishing Jobs Act of 2011,” but the bill will effectively make it illegal to develop new LAPPs that generate economic value. Provisions in the bill are likely to lead to unintended consequences that could exacerbate economic hardship in fishing communities rather than prevent hardships.  And it could even eliminate fishing jobs rather than save them. Potential vehicles for harm to fisheries in the bill include 1) a problematic definition of eligible fishermen; 2) the way in which “jobs” are implicitly defined; 3) the termination clause for LAPPs; and 4) the language on fee collection for running LAPPs.

The definition of “eligible fishermen” is problematic. HR 2772 defines eligible fishermen as permit holders and requires two thirds of them to approve a new LAPP. In some fisheries I have researched, as much as half of the permitted vessels record minimal or no landings in some years. This means that if one of these fisheries were to transition to a catch share program, non-fishing permit holders would in all likelihood receive no initial allocations of quota. Under HR 2772, the non- fishing permit holders would thus oppose the catch share program. In essence, non-fishing permit holders would easily be able to block the ability of the actual fishery participants to approve a LAPP that would generate economic value for the fishery and the fishing community .

Even in fisheries that experience some consolidation after a LAPP is put in place, the issue of jobs is more complicated than just numbers of fishermen holding permits. Many jobs in fishing are seasonal or part-time in nature. By eliminating the race to fish, catch share programs can convert seasonal jobs into year-around jobs that pay better. Suppose there were 10 fishermen each making $10,000 per year by fishing seasonally before a catch share program for a total of $100,000. After the program, suppose there are 5 fishermen making $40,000 per year fishing year around for a total of $200,000 of income. For both economic growth and supporting secondary industries in coastal communities, the smaller number of fishermen working year around is better. These benefits would need to be weighed against the loss of some part-time jobs. HR 2772 does not have any way to address this issue and would force managers to choose part-time jobs over full-time jobs.

The bill includes a rule that would terminate any new LAPP if the number of permit holders is 15% less the year after the program goes into place. The clause could inadvertently end a program that successfully reduces redundant capacity, generates economic well being, sustains healthy fish stocks, and is popular with fishermen. In my experience working with individual-level data in fisheries, there is considerable natural attrition in permit holders over time due to changing economic circumstances and retirements of fishermen. [7] The language in HR 2772 does not account for such natural attrition and would falsely attribute all attrition to a LAPP.

Finally, the language on fee collection appears to inflate the cost of a LAPP because it includes the costs of observer coverage. By charging fishermen for observer coverage under a LAPP but funding observer coverage otherwise with taxpayer dollars, the LAPP will appear more expensive to fishermen than it really is. Naturally, fishermen would be more likely to oppose a program in spite of its promise to generate economic benefits for the fishing sector and for society at large. Here, we find ourselves legitimately in a bind. Many argue that fishermen should pay for the privilege of harvesting a public trust resource. But a sudden change to full cost recovery could fall victim to political inertia and inadvertently preserve the inefficient status quo.

It took decades for fisheries management to evolve from treating symptoms to addressing the root cause of overfishing. Now in one piece of legislation we risk undoing much of that progress and hindering further improvements.

References

1.              Gordon, H.S., Economic theory of a common property resource: the fishery. Journal of Political Economy, 1954. 75: p. 124-142.

2.              Wilen, J.E., Why Fisheries Management Fails: Treating Symptoms Rather than Causes. Bulletin of Marine Science, 2006. 78.

3.              Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Reauthorization Act, P.L. 109-479. 2007.

4.              Homans, F.R. and J.E. Wilen, A model of regulated open access resource use. Journal of Environmental Economics and Management, 1997. 32(1): p. 1-21.

5.              NRC, Sharing the Fish: Toward a National Policy on Individual Fishing Quotas. 1999, National Academy Press: Washington DC.

6.              Saving Fishing Jobs Act of 2011, H.R. 2772. 2011.

7.              Smith, M.D., Limited-entry licensing: Insights from a duration model. American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 2004. 86(3): p. 605-618.